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Gaming out trade wars: Parsing the impact

De-escalation is still possible.

April 7, 2025

What once seemed improbable for the global economy is now the baseline. Countries around the world are preparing themselves for a full-blown trade war.

The February announcement of tariffs on the US鈥檚 top three trade partners sent shock waves around the world and roiled financial markets. Then, the president delayed implementation of tariffs on Mexico and Canada for a month. Market participants took that as a sign that tariffs were more of a veiled threat than a reality. They saw tariffs as a negotiating tool rather than a means to an end for industrial policy or as revenue to offset extensions and expansions to tax cuts.

Since then, the administration has signed off on the largest tariff increase since the 1930s. On April 2, rates on 60 different countries jumped to as high as 49%, while all other countries face a rate of 10%. Additional tariffs had already been imposed on China, while Canada and Mexico face a 25% rate on all non-USMCA imports. (More than half of imports from the two countries are not afforded special treatment by the trade treaty).

Those increases are in addition to sector-specific tariffs on steel and aluminum, automobiles and auto parts. Investigations have begun on lumber and copper tariffs to find what are termed the 鈥渙ptimal鈥� tariff rates. Those are slated to take effect later this year.

The April 2 executive orders also left the door open for tariffs on pharmaceuticals and semiconductors. The Secretary of State is at liberty to levy tariffs on importers of Venezuelan oil; China is the largest importer.

With the exception of the new reciprocal tariffs, the tariffs are cumulative; they stack on top of one another, which makes them escalate much more rapidly. For example, screws used in construction that are composed of steel1听and imported from China would face a duty rate of 20% specific to China, plus 25% for the new steel tariffs, plus 25% for the 2018 steel tariffs and another 12.5% as the general duty rate on that product. That brings a grand total of an 82.5% tariff rate. Duties could be added for China being a Venezuelan oil importer, bringing the total tariff rate to 107.5%.

Our base case is that these recently announced tariffs could reach a peak tariff rate not seen since 1903, even accounting for waivers, drawbacks for domestic content and goods rerouting. (See Chart.)

That level of tariffs will likely elicit retaliation by the affected countries, even as some attempt to negotiate with the US to lower trade barriers. The goal will be to inflict the greatest economic and political pain.

Global trade wars of the past have inflicted significant harm on the countries involved, with spillover impacts on those that are not. There is simply no direct comparison to what we see today because the global economy is much more integrated both in terms of trade and finance. The US dollar plays a much larger role in transactions.

This article assesses the common features of trade wars and consequences historically. It further discusses the economic impacts of tariffs on the country levying them, as well as the high probability of retaliation and potential for financial market volatility. It is written through an economist鈥檚 lens in parsing the research on protectionism. With tariffs, the costs almost always outweigh the benefits.听

Chart: Tariffs peak at highest rate since early 1900's

Effective tariff rate, percent

Source: 乐鱼(Leyu)体育官网 Economics, United States Census Bureau

Tariffs: a blunt, but consequential, instrument

In simple terms, tariffs are a tax paid by importers in the country that levies tariffs; they are designed to raise the cost of that import and therefore curb demand and reduce competition for protected domestic industries. Economists generally dislike them because they are a regressive tax that hits those who can afford it the least, while failing to deliver promised returns. The jobs lost due to tariffs can exceed those retained or protected via onshoring.

The president and his advisors have stated that they see tariffs as a way to shrink the US trade deficit, which they view as a weakness. Firms stocking up in early 2025 ahead of tariff announcements have pushed the deficit to three times its end-of-year 2019 level, making the trade gap appear all the more urgent. Economists view our trade deficit as more of a reflection of the size and buying power of the US鈥檚 large consumer base and productive firms.

The difference between the two views matters. The economic research suggests that we would need a fairly large drop in domestic demand to reduce our trade deficit. Historically, improvements in the trade deficit were driven by recessions or a contraction in domestic demand. 听

Other stated goals of the tariffs by the administration are that they will act as a primary revenue generator to pay for tax cuts, gain concessions from major trading partners and protect domestic industries. The last is the most common rationale for tariffs.

There is evidence that tariffs do favor protected industries, although often at the expense of other industries. The 2018-19 tariffs on steel boosted employment in the steel industry but were more than offset by losses in overall manufacturing employment. Higher input costs triggered a manufacturing recession back then.

The most vulnerable industries to tariffs are those that have the most complex supply chains. Some products, such as vehicle parts, cross the US border multiple times before they become fully assembled products.

This dynamic makes it almost impossible for consumers to escape tariffs on manufactured goods and 鈥淏uy American鈥�2听鈥� a phrase that originated from a 1980s trade dispute with Japan.

In the late 1980s, US policymakers and auto manufacturers grew concerned that the ballooning deficit with Japan would impact domestic manufacturing. The US levied tariffs on Japan, targeting automobiles, computers and other electronics. The tariffs shrank the trade deficit with Japan over the following two years, but only marginally. They were not sufficient to upend long-term investments already in place.

Costs incurred by tariffs can either be absorbed by the importer or passed along to consumers. Pass-through was high for the 2018-19 trade war; nearly all the cost of those tariffs resulted in final price increases. Spillover effects were substantial, with tariffs on washing machines resulting in commensurate price increases on non-tariffed dryers.3

The situation today differs from 2018. The scope and breadth of tariffs is much larger than what was discussed then, or even in the 1980s. The embers of inflation are still smoldering and could be at risk of reigniting at the same time that longer supply chains are more prone to disruption.

Not all firms will be able to pass on their additional costs. Consumers have begun to push back against price hikes after the bout of post-pandemic inflation. That could lead to lower profits, decreased investment, layoffs and business failures.

Companies could move production onshore; that is easier said than done. Constructing a plant takes years, while there is no perfect substitution between products made domestically and ones made abroad. The steel industry added no additional capacity in response to the 2018-19 tariffs.

Tariffs reduce competition, which removes the incentives to innovate. Hence, trade wars tend to be accompanied by slower productivity growth.

Heightened uncertainty is another hurdle. Tariffs levied via executive order can be revoked as quickly as they are enacted, which provides little certainty for firms to onshore. Adding insult to injury are the tighter credit conditions that accompany periods of high uncertainty.4

Retaliation is all but inevitable

Trade wars trigger a in which countries retaliate to voice their displeasure, appease domestic constituencies and preserve their autonomy. The result is suboptimal.

History provides several examples of what retaliation could look like. The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 is the most chilling. The act raised tariffs on 20,000 imported goods, tipped off trade wars with 10 of the 25 targeted countries and reduced global trade by 67%. The result plunged the global economy deeper into the depths of the Great Depression.

The US is the 800-pound gorilla of the global economy; anything that happens here has an even larger impact abroad. That means our trading partners need to be strategic about how they retaliate. China, Canada, Mexico and the EU have already announced or threatened strategic retaliation. Canada, for example, announced it would levy tariffs on exports produced in Republican strongholds, including agriculture and liquor.

US supply chains have become longer and more prone to disruption than prior to the pandemic. The 2018-19 tariffs on China and pandemic-era disruptions prompted firms to move to countries with more favorable US relationships and then reexport to avoid the tariff on goods shipped directly from China. This has increased the distance between suppliers and their end-use buyers, adding more nodes for potential disruption and targets for retaliatory action. Many of those countries, such as Vietnam, now face a large retaliatory tariff.

One retaliatory tactic will likely be to disrupt supply chains, adding to transit times and shipping costs. Visibility into where goods are routed is opaque, with many producers not realizing the degree to which fragility in their supply chains has grown.

Nonequivalent retaliation and tariff mitigation. Though tariffs are the most talked about tool for trade wars, they rarely are implemented in isolation. Nontariff barriers like embargoes, export controls and investment controls often appear in tandem. It is likely both the US and its allies will utilize these alternative methods for protecting industries in addition to tariffs. The full impact of tariffs could be softened as firms utilize tariff mitigation strategies (methods to avoid or recover tariffs).

How do we get out of trade wars? Tariffs are harder to reverse than implement. Retaliation can result in cycles of escalating tensions. In the wake of the Great Depression following Smoot-Hawley, trade deals focused on 鈥渞eciprocity.鈥� Countries tend to move slowly, agreeing to lift tariffs gradually over a specified period, contingent upon reciprocal actions. The key is to create win-win situations, where both sides can save face and claim victory.听

Trade wars go hand in hand with capital account wars

The desire to close balance of payments deficits can lead to the use of financial instruments in addition to tariffs. The strength of the dollar is, in some cases, viewed as a negative because it makes exports relatively more expensive and therefore contributes to a persistent trade gap. Tariffs tend to appreciate the currency of the country that is levying them 鈥� making for an even stronger dollar. 听听

There are some within the administration who believe they can engineer a depreciation. Using financial instruments to close trade gaps is even more uncertain than using tariffs. This is not a new concept.

The Plaza Accord leveraged threats of tariffs to coordinate a sharp depreciation of the dollar in 1985. The value of the dollar dropped dramatically against the currencies of our major trading partners at the time: France, West Germany, Japan and the UK. The trade deficit began to narrow two years later.

The current administration would like to achieve a similar outcome over a broader swath of countries via what is the 鈥淢ar-a-Lago accord.鈥� The proposal is to convince other countries to devalue the dollar through the purchase of 100-year bonds in exchange for lower tariffs and support for defense.5

A managed decline of the dollar would be more challenging today. The dollar plays a significantly larger role in financial markets than it did in 1985, which has upped the risk of a disorderly depreciation should the government attempt to intervene. 听

A sharp move in the dollar could undermine the exorbitant privilege that the dollar holds as the world鈥檚 reserve currency. Volatility in financial markets has already picked up. A full-blown crisis cannot be ruled out; interest rates in the US could spike instead of decline, while the dollar plummets.

The consequences will almost certainly include slower growth, higher prices, lower profits and higher interest rates.

photo of Meagan Schoenberger

Meagan Schoenberger

乐鱼(Leyu)体育官网 Senior Economist

Bottom Line

Trade wars are costly for businesses, consumers and the governments that wage them. The consequences will almost certainly include slower growth, higher prices, lower profits and higher interest rates, with retaliation intensifying those impacts. In many cases, the opposite of their desired outcome 鈥� onshoring 鈥� occurs. The silver lining to the cloud that has formed on trade is that de-escalation is still possible. Congress has already begun to push back against tariffs due to their detrimental effects. Tariffs levied via executive order can be reversed as fast as they were implemented. 听

Footnote

  1. HTSUS: 7318.12.0000
  2. Barbiero, Omar, and Hillary Stein. "The Impact of Tariffs on Inflation The Impact of Tariffs on Inflation."
  3. Flaaen, Aaron, Ali Horta莽su, and Felix Tintelnot. "The production relocation and price effects of US trade policy: the case of washing machines." American Economic Review 110.7 (2020): 2103-2127.
  4. Correa, Ricardo, et al. Trade uncertainty and us bank lending. Vol. 31860. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2023.
  5. Miran, Stephen. "A User鈥檚 Guide to Restructuring the Global Trading System."听Hudson Bay Capital. (2024).

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